An NJP supporter on Gab requested that anyone who disagrees with any of NJP’s points in its platform respond on that platform. A repost of that response follows.
The Platform of The National Justice Party
- The United States of America will be declared an outpost of Western civilization and a state dedicated to its European-heritage population and their posterity. It will be the policy of the state to set immigration and natal policy that will ensure a permanent European majority. The rights of historic minority populations will be respected.
“The United States of America will be declared an outpost of Western civilization”
While important to recognize America as part of the family of Western nations, the use of the word “outpost” is selling America, a superpower whose rise resulted from a distillation of some of Western culture’s greatest attributes, just a little bit short.
“It will be the policy of the state to set immigration and natal policy that will ensure a permanent European majority.”
The NJP uses “state” in the singular, which could be interpreted as its countenancing of continuation of federally controlled immigration and natal policy, which is the primary cause of American replacement. America, both inter and intra-racially, has always been multicultural which the NJP acknowledges, so it is strange that it would support a structure that lends itself to one-size-fits-all. An alternative interpretation is that “state” is used in the abstract to refer to the governments of the states, which would be consistent with the policy of US Constitution. The Constitution largely devolves immigration to them with the federal government retaining veto power of exclusion and taxation of immigrants but not the power to import immigrants of its own preference.
2. We demand the extension of the 1964 Civil Rights act to provide equal protections and privileges to the White majority, or the act must be repealed.
“We demand the extension of the 1964 Civil Rights act”
In later points the NJP claims to support freedom of association, which the 1964 act infringes upon, so it might be more accurate here to say the NJP demands reform rather than extension of the act. The act is already fully race-blind on paper, so addressing its selective enforcement against whites would bolster this point.
“to provide equal protections and privileges to the White majority”
It is best practice for reactionary rightists to avoid using any egalitarian terminology, which is tacit obeisance to leftist dogma. Equality isn’t a thing, not even “equality under the law” would be optimal even if it could be achieved. The purpose of law is to keep peace and order, which requires treating people differently depending on how they affect these things and this obviously varies hugely from person to person and group to group.
3. We support the nationalization and strategic break ups of banks, mass media, and monopolistic corporations in order to create public accountability and guarantee that they serve the nation first.
Nationalization – Socialism doesn’t work just because white nationalists happen to be doing it, as its attentive problems of economic knowledge, calculation, and incentives are human universals. If the NJP want to point to National Socialist Germany as an exception it will find that if it looks beyond the advertising brochures into the actual results of such policies under that regime they will find that it was yet another example of such failure. Crude aggregate statistics such as GDP, employment, and capital investment the NJP might cite in attempted rebuttal are as bogus for the Reich as they are for ZOG. Measurements of actual physical welfare of everyday people in Germany from that period such as protein intake, children’s height, and rates of infectious disease paint a starkly contrasting picture.
Break ups – The “justice” in the party’s name reveals itself to be social justice here, which is what anti-trust is: punishment of productive success that happens to be palatable to many self-described rightists. The sordid history of anti-trust confirms this in all aspects, including its ostensible aim of promoting consumer welfare.
Banks – The financial sector in America is already regulated by 116 different agencies between the federal and state levels, the banking industry being the most regulated of all. The banking system is already semi-nationalized via the Federal Reserve system, which, although nominally private in equity ownership, was created by an act of Congress, enjoys carte-blanche collateralization of its lending on the taxpayer’s purse, and whose scrip is privileged by legal tender laws. It is such regulation that entrenches and cartelizes the industry at the expense of that industry’s health and stability. Further nationalization does not address the fundamental fraud that the government sanctions: Counterfeiting for the purpose of increasing lending base. It merely expands the government’s privilege in doing this at the expense of the non-governmental sector.
Mass media – The NJP ignores the fact that the mass media cartel is a creation of state regulation. The FCC’s function, as Franklin Roosevelt’s administration made clear, is to suppress dissent through selective dispensation of airwave rights.
The NJP also does not address the more fundamental issue which is that the liberal democratic system itself is what empowers the media, because it is a system where public opinion influenced by the media is a license to loot and terrorize on a national scale via a predatory and massively monopolistic modern state.
Monopolistic corporations – By “monopolistic” the NJP means primarily large or multinational. Corporations who achieve this scale benefit less affluent consumers by exploiting economies of scale that enable these firms to offer products at lower cost and should be celebrated for this, not punished. Any regulation that forcibly increases market share at the expense of competitors and consumers should be repealed of course, however, higher market share is not a causally-defining feature of monopoly, but an effect. A free economy is from top-to-bottom much wealthier than the mixed type NJP favors, and this allows even relatively less affluent people to afford to preserve their downtown’s distinct character through support of autochthonous local businesses in counterbalance to the homogenizing aesthetic of lower-cost chains. The ultimate issue concerning monopoly that the NJP needs to address, however, is breaking up the genuine monopoly of the modern nation-state, which is the necessary mechanism of American national destruction.
4. We support a two percent ceiling on Jewish employment in vital institutions so that they better represent the ethnic and regional population balance of the country.
This is pure social justice-mongering only anti-jewish instead of anti-white. The problem is not the presence of jews, it is white acceptance of the altruism they are adept at promoting, along with that morality’s predominant enforcement mechanism of the redistributive state.
5. We support the sacred rights of free speech, freedom of religion and freedom of association. Political views will not be censored by the state or any large private concerns. It will be illegal for any employer to retaliate against workers for political activism and expression outside the workplace.
“We support the sacred rights of free speech, freedom of religion”
These are liberal rather than reactionary values. Is the right to slander heritage Americans and practice profane religions something that the NJP truly wants for America?
“Political views will not be censored by the state or any large private concerns.”
Even granting desirability of freedom of speech (defined as freedom of expression including expressions of what someone wants things to be, no matter how depraved; as distinct from its subset of academic freedom, which is freedom to express one’s opinion concerning what merely is) this contradicts the third value of freedom of association, as prohibition of censorship on the part of governments and other large corporations is a violation of their freedom of association. A preponderance of free speech supporters regard free speech as derivative of property: that one has the right to say to say anything that doesn’t directly threaten anyone else on or with one’s own property, but one has no entitlement to anyone else’s property to do the same.
“It will be illegal for any employer to retaliate against workers for political activism and expression outside the workplace.”
Of all the policies in this platform it is this one that must be opposed most strenuously. It contradicts the NJP’s claim to regard freedom of association as sacred in the very same point in that it demands that conservative business owners retain liberal, even communist employees (and for that matter, third positionist owners to retain libertarian ones!) Virtually every other type of associative freedom in this country has already been strangled and the NJP wants to choke off the most vital one we are lucky enough to have left, the one that represents our sole avenue of escape from globalist progressivism. The divide on this issue illustrates a broader divide between us: The implied premise of the NJP’s platform is that America in its core current geopolitical form is desirable and salvageable via certain reforms. We of liberty+, meanwhile, recognize that it is an abomination that should have been aborted more than a century ago. The best way to deal with it now is hasten its inevitable collapse by dropping out entirely from the beast system, creating a parallel economy of our own robust to neo-Marxism through aggressive ideological and ethnic discrimination, and preparing for the war to defend it.
6. We support private property rights, including a program to make home ownership more accessible to stably employed family men. Small businesses and communities will be granted the right to refuse service or home ownership to anyone for any reason they see fit.
“We support private property rights”
Contradicted by points 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, and 24. Also contradicts itself with: “will be granted the right” A scope of approved-of action that is granted is by definition not a right, but a privilege. This point arbitrarily grants a privilege to business or home owners regarding freedom of association with customers, immediately after denying this same right to the same people in their capacity as employers in the previous point, which is about as flagrant as a flip-flop can be.
7. We stand firm in defense of the right of law abiding citizens to own firearms.
Dilutes the the 2nd Amendment in its implication that the state ought to be the arbiter of what means of defense non state actors are entitled to. At the time the amendment was written only those deemed criminally insane were forbidden arms, which is a relatively small subset of criminals. The 2nd Amendment uses the term “arms” rather than “firearms” quite deliberately to include means such as bombs and battleships in addition to guns.
8. We demand the FBI, which acts as nothing more than a political secret police force for elite interests, be abolished and replaced with a legitimate federal law enforcement agency.
The NJP wants to replace the FBI with the Gestapo. If “legitimate” is to mean constitutional, no federal law enforcement agency can be regarded as such. If legitimacy means productive in promoting peace and prosperity, no agency whatsoever that enforces the majority of NJP’s policies can be regarded as legitimate either.
9. We demand an end to political contributions and corporate lobbying. Elections must be publicly financed.
Even if one grants moral sanction to the mob socialism of democracy and its electoral mechanism this measure is counterproductive. Existing legislation toward this end such as the McCain-Feingold act has been shown to hamper the fundraising ability of grassroots organizations that defend in this sphere the wellbeing of the same Americans the NJP claims to care about.
“Elections must be publicly financed.”
The NJP wants to socialize socialism.
10. The corrupt two party system must be abolished and replaced by a system that offers real representation to racial groups and economic classes.
Many who are neither the NJP nor liberty+ would agree with the first part of this statement, however, the politics of envy (which hides behind euphemisms like “representation”) is what has gotten us into this mess in the first place. The system that provides representation to all in proportion to the objectively measured value they create (rather than what they believe they are entitled to) is laissez-faire capitalism, which the NJP explicitly rejects.
11. We oppose America’s ongoing military entanglements and demand the return of all troops to the homeland. We will engage in diplomacy under the doctrine of “America First” and cease the internationalist project of exporting liberalism.
100% agree
12. We will nationalize the defense industry and make war profiteering a criminal act. All able bodied men will be conscripted into national service.
“We will nationalize the defense industry and make war profiteering a criminal act.”
The defense industry is already nationalized (in the sense of the word that is wholly unrelated to the concept of nationalism). Hitler’s war machine had plenty of private contractors as well who profited handsomely from his reckless spending. A voluntarily funded industry, by contrast, would be vastly more agile, efficient, and capable overall because it would benefit from the rigor of competition in a free market.
“All able bodied men will be conscripted into national service.”
While Liberty+ is not categorically opposed to participation in martial organizations as a condition of living in a voluntarily-formed communities, we absolutely condemn all forms of kidnapping, including for the purpose of generating slave labor for protection racketeering. Who would want to fight a war alongside those mixed up in it against their will anyway? You should be in it to win it or not at all, and if enslavement is necessary to victory then the war itself is unjust.
For a real-world example of a superior military approximating voluntarism NJP ought to examine that of our Indo-European ancestors, whose leaders earned their following by demonstrated prowess in battle.
13. Lobbying on behalf of foreign nations will be banned and classified as espionage. Foreign negotiations will be conducted through official diplomatic channels.
100% agree
14. We will declare Israel a rogue state and exporter of terrorism. The national rights of the Palestinian people must be respected.
“We will declare Israel a rogue state and exporter of terrorism.”
This is a direct and necessary consequence of point 11 and is therefore unnecessary here.
“The national rights of the Palestinian people must be respected.”
Humanitarian white knighting for one a tribe of aliens a world away against another is a weak look generally.
In conjunction with point 4 in particular point 14 overall reinforces the stereotype of white nationalists being obsessed with jews.
15. We will establish a new economic policy that stresses the family wage, full and stable employment, and a strong middle class. We will abolish the income tax on productive work and put this burden on capital and speculative income.
“We will establish a new economic policy that stresses the family wage, full and stable employment, and a strong middle class.”
This economic policy is not at all new; it has been tried, is currently in effect, and has been failing for decades. A “family wage” is just a euphemism for a higher legal minimum wage, which is in economic actuality not a minimum wage at all but a productivity hurdle for workers which lowers average wage once the necessary disemployment effects of such a hurdle are factored in. “Full and stable employment” is a nonsense concept; all markets including labor are a discovery process of value creation to which continual flux is inherent. A “strong middle class” is exactly what the policies that caused the mortgage meltdown of 2008 were intended to promote. The artificial increase in homeownership, in classic leftist cause-effect reversal, was believed to promote a middle class lifestyle rather than being recognized as one fruit among many that people predisposed to middle-class values enjoy as a result of actualizing such values. Enough with class warfare, all that productive people need to flourish fully is to cease their acceptance of predators, be they government agents, union bosses, or petty kinds of criminals.
“We will abolish the income tax on productive work and put this burden on capital and speculative income.”
A classic false dichotomy and a fatal one at that. Capital investment is work that both creates other kinds of work and raises the productivity of all kinds of work. Speculation is work that is also to be encouraged and celebrated, as it materially improves the accuracy of capital pricing, keeping it more commensurate with capital’s expected productivity increase. The implication of this point that there exists some sort of free lunch in possession of capitalists that the state and its goons can just swipe and spread among the rest of us without adverse consequence utterly reeks of Marxism.
16. We call for correcting the power imbalance between labor and management through a national labor organization that guarantees employee rights.
If NJP replaced the third “e” in “employee” with an “r” they might have something here.
17. We support an industrial plan that brings home capital and manufacturing and invests in our depressed and de-industrialized heartland. We will implement massive public works projects to modernize our crumbling infrastructure.
“We support an industrial plan that brings home capital and manufacturing and invests in our depressed and de-industrialized heartland.”
The belief that America has been de-industrialized is a myth. America produces more physical goods than it ever has, simply with a smaller percentage of the labor force due to capital deepening and technological advance. This is reflective of economic progress as a whole. A major hindrance to such progress, in fact, are restrictions on free trade that the NJP likely supports in furtherance of this point. The reason they would support such restrictions is that they have bought into neoliberal advertising of current American trade policy as free. A true policy of free trade is stated in a single sentence: Anyone can buy or sell any good or service from anyone else without forcible hindrance. Our current trade agreements, however, are thousands of pages long and riddled with tariffs, quotas, subsidies, and labor and environmental regulations. While national self-sufficiency in certain areas is desirable, central planning by the state toward this end can result in nothing but disaster, National Socialist Germany’s experiments in buna rubber and cell wool being just one instance among many.
“We will implement massive public works projects to modernize our crumbling infrastructure.”
The extent of our infrastructure’s deterioration is significantly overstated, owing in large part to propaganda from special interest groups who stand to benefit from such bloated tax-and-spend programs. These interest groups have the pull that they do because such programs have already been implemented over the course of more than a century. Socialism deteriorates everything, why would anyone expect infrastructure to be any different? America’s first transcontinental roadway was built privately, and before the Progressive Era the utility industry was competitive and vibrant, with hundreds of electricity companies operating within single states for example. Eminent domain and other such socialist measures are the opposite of what we need to satisfy demand for infrastructure.
18. Usurious and predatory lending practices will be outlawed. All credit will be issued by the state with no middle-man profiteers.
“Usurious and predatory lending practices will be outlawed.”
The NJP’s use of loaded and non-economically rigorous terms like “usurious” and “predatory” suggests a preference for populist pandering over serious inquiry into economics that actually benefit the common man. The financial industry is the economy’s circulatory system and money its lifeblood. The industry’s longtime affliction of counterfeiting is leukemia, a cancer of its lifeblood. The NJP’s agenda of socializing the industry is like treating leukemia by transplanting an artificial heart for a healthy one. What the industry needs is intense chemotherapy in the form of sound money such as cryptocurrency and commodities supplanting the cancerous cells of Federal Reserve notes. Also required are bone marrow transplants in the form of replacing the horrendously cronyist current regulatory regime with a return to proper fraud prosecution.
“All credit will be issued by the state with no middle-man profiteers.”
The NJP’s progressivist utopianism is on full display here. Socializing a middle-man industry simply makes the state the middle man, and a much more predatory and dishonest one at that. The pejorative connotation the NJP attaches to “middle-man” with its appending of “profiteer” is further evidence of their economic ignorance: Owing to our mortality the most scarce resource of all is time; the fundamental value middle-men add to the economy is saving everyone precious time in transacting with one another. Even being saved time in acquiring information about an asset’s likely future condition, let alone the asset itself in the present, is a value, which is why even speculators are people the NJP owes an apology for ingratitude with respect to their alleviation of time scarcity’s, i.e. mortality’s impingements. Truly there is nothing more utopian than denial of something this fundamental to the human condition.
19. Health care is a right. Health care must be removed from the control of for-profit hospitals and insurance companies and made a public service for all people. Preventative care will be emphasized and physical fitness will be promoted.
“Health care is a right.”
Health care is a service, and as such requires labor for its provision. To say that one has a right to the labor of another is revealing of intent to enslave the latter. Policies based on this premise are what have caused the massive problems that exist both within America’s semi-socialized health care system and the “nationalized” health care systems of Europe and Canada. The reason why America’s treatment outcomes are better than other Western countries’ is that the former’s profit mechanisms are still allowed a halfway-decent amount of room to function.
“Preventative care will be emphasized and physical fitness will be promoted.”
This works wonders when done on a voluntary basis; traditionalist religious communities being a prime example. What the NJP packages in with this however, is public health, which is nothing more than communism of the body. After the devastation they witnessed COVID-19 public health measures wreak on ordinary Americans it is absolutely perverse for the NJP to sanction it. The disease ailing the health care industry and our very civilization for that matter is altruist collectivism, and the NJP wishes to do nothing but attempt to treat the symptoms with more barbaric measures directly derived from this malignant superstition.
20. We will restore reason, logic and tradition to the education system by implementing a comprehensive classical curriculum. Homosexual, neoliberal, and transgender propaganda will be explicitly banned from being taught to children.
Response:
“We will restore reason, logic and tradition to the education system by implementing a comprehensive classical curriculum.”
The NJP fails to recognize that the fundamental problem with education today is that it is a coercive system, rather than simply something that occurs organically when parents are free to answer their children’s innate curiosity in whatever manner they see fit. Separating children from their parents and cramming “reason, logic and tradition” down their throats is a surefire way to make children hate these things. Did being forced to act out Romeo and Juliet with the ugly girl in class, for example, instill any real appreciation for the Bard? No virtue, by the very nature thereof, can ever be achieved by compulsion.
“Homosexual, neoliberal, and transgender propaganda will be explicitly banned from being taught to children.”
The first and third items fall within the purview of preventing child abuse and are obviously to be supported. The second, however, is merely a political ideology which as such children don’t understand anyway. While within the public sphere corrosive ideologies should be suppressed, it is highly impractical to police ideological propagandizing in private life. In the case of neoliberalism in particular, because many within the NJP view sound economics as neoliberal propaganda, prohibition of the latter threatens to deprive the young of a proper education in the former.
21. We will establish a Department of Culture that will oversee the creation of art and architecture to enlighten the public through beauty and transcendence. Suburbs and small towns will be revitalized with beautification projects to make them walkable and attractive and to encourage social life.
“We will establish a Department of Culture”
An oxymoron if there ever was one; nothing enriches culture like yet another federal bureaucracy right? Adults find culture crammed down their throats in the public square every bit as repugnant as children find it in school. It is the very worst of culture, in fact, that requires state subsidy to persist. The greatest achievements in Western culture, by contrast, were funded by private patronage, such as the Sistine Chapel’s ceiling by the Medici banking family.
“Suburbs and small towns will be revitalized with beautification projects to make them walkable and attractive and to encourage social life. “
The local bureaucracies of zoning boards have already done enough damage to community livability as it is, and shifting control to the federal level will only make this blight worse.
22. The state must act as the steward of the environment. Industrial and economic needs will be balanced with quality of life and the preservation of natural beauty. Wildlife will be protected, and we will expand national parks and wilderness areas. Religious slaughter and other inhumane treatment of animals will be banned.
“The state must act as the steward of the environment.”
The most polluted countries have been and are those whose states are the least limited in their ability to intervene in the economy, Communist China and the Soviet Union being notable examples. Regimes of property rights in environmental resources however, such as the catch rights program for West Coast ground fisheries, efficiently and effectively harmonize demand for consumption of natural resources with the necessity of sustaining them.
“Industrial and economic needs will be balanced with quality of life and the preservation of natural beauty.”
It was a consortium of polluting industrial concerns in the late 19th century that was the biggest agitator for state regulation of pollution, as the existing tort system was too great a hindrance to their ability to pollute. When regulation of any industry is monopolized rather than market-based there is only one regulator to capture with bribery. Euphemisms like “balance” are exactly the kinds of terms that such cronyist agendas are couched in and it is about time the American nation sees such scams for what they are.
“Wildlife will be protected, and we will expand national parks and wilderness areas.”
The longstanding regime of environmental policy in America, in contradistinction to both the full-blown socialism of the aforementioned nation-states and a regime of property protection, is already very much in line with the “balanced” approach of the NJP’s progressivism. Even this relatively “balanced” approach has been a litany of abuse from the get go, from the cronyist squelching of railroad competition driving Theodore Roosevelt’s land grabs to the gross violations of homeowner rights imposed by the Endangered Species Act (which actually further endangers the species it designates as such by incentivizing homeowners and developers to eradicate instances of such species on their property to prevent its seizure). The very fact that the NJP feels the need to include conservation as a point in its platform is evidence against the need for command and control measures in furtherance of it. Those of a healthy nationalist spirit recognize that their people are part of a larger ecology and therefore have a demand for harmony with it. A free market supplies whatever is demanded, and we see from the premium that private home buyers pay for waterfront property alone an abundant demand for natural aesthetic values of no direct material or industrial use. The most important point to make, however in scrutinizing the NJP’s point here, (especially as pertaining to their agenda of expanding national parks and wilderness areas) is this: A free market does not produce an outcome that any individual or interest group in particular wants, it is by definition whatever results from the peaceful harmonization of wildly differing wants across society. The amount of land set aside for aesthetic enjoyment in a free society, in terms of exact acreage, will not be what any one person or interest group finds optimal. It is the great compromise that leaves everybody mad, as the saying goes. The reward of maximal peace and freedom, however, is something that is self-evidently worth such a compromise.
“Religious slaughter and other inhumane treatment of animals will be banned.”
A contradiction of the NJP’s claim to support of religious freedom in point 5. A significant number of standard farming practices are considered by many to be inhumane; their banning would therefore magnify already increasing food prices and harm the less affluent Americans the NJP claims to be concerned about. Issues concerning religious practices and animal welfare are best resolved by federalism.
23. We support strong families. Married women will be paid by the state to care for their children. No fault divorce will be repealed, and homosexual marriage will be banned.
“We support strong families. Married women will be paid by the state to care for their children.”
Self-contradictory, as the type of women who require taxpayer subsidy to raise children are those who should not have children in the first place.
“No fault divorce will be repealed, and homosexual marriage will be banned.”
Marriage is the province of the church and in Medieval times the church had its own law applying to clergy and members in their role as such. These measures are to be encouraged within this domain. Secular law, however, should have nothing to say about marriage at all, because when it does it simply creates needless strife in squabbling for control of its selective application among the nation’s various religious and cultural factions. The infringement of the rights of homosexuals to form their own agreements among one another regarding matters such as hospital visitation and inheritance aggravates their inherent persecution complex, and given that their revenge manifests in increased levels of child molestation, that is reason enough in the secular legal domain to simply live and let live. Secular law concerning child custody however, should prohibit outright the awarding of custody to open homosexual or transexual couples, as the level of molestation risk it subjects children to is by itself an act of child abuse. In general culture war issues should be resolved by federalism, which also would comport nicely with the NJPs conciliatory positioning of itself.
24. The benefits of automation will be shared among all citizens. Technological advancement will be used to reduce work hours, raise wages, lower the retirement age and increase pensions.
This already proceeds apace and is entirely independent of politics, so it is strange that the NJP would devote a whole point in their platform to it.
25. In order to put an end to racial conflict and hate, all people will be entitled to be policed, educated, and judged by individuals of their own race. No longer will any race be exploited for the benefit of another in America.
Contradicted by point 4, where the NJP reveals intent to exploit jews for the perceived benefit of whites in arbitrarily capping their employment. The majority of jews have productive occupations such as in law and medicine and notwithstanding their nepotism, are productive in their pure capacity therein. A ban therefore, would be diminishing white access to such services if jews were to be expelled. Prohibition of jews from practicing medicine under the Third Reich, for instance, was a contributing factor in the worsening of health outcomes in Germany mentioned in the response to point 3. The historical frequency of jewish expulsion and ghettoization, including multiple expulsions from the same country, raises the question of why they are repeatedly allowed in. The answer is because the presence of jews per se isn’t the fundamental problem. The problem is that we accept government collateralization of its debt with robbery, and for reasons of superstition have in the past enacted prohibition against our own people from moneylending. The combination of acceptance and rejection on the wrong side of each of these issues is what incentivizes the admittance of people who specialize in moneylending, which the NJP’s agenda would drive underground and actually increase pressure to accept jews and their negative externalities. It is a minority of jews in elite positions of power and influence that adversely affect American society, but they are only able to do so primarily because of the progressivist weapons whites provided them around the turn of the 20th century, as well as certain of the liberal ones America’s founders championed around the turn of the 19th. The prior points in the NJP’s platform are overwhelmingly more of the same progressivism and liberalism.
Concluding Remarks
The NJP with this platform attempts to walk a tightrope across the political center by balancing itself with a barbell: Bernie Sanders-esque positions on economic issues, America First Republican positions on others. The NJP sprinkles it with both classic and left liberal buzzwords such as “sacred rights of free speech” and “end…racial…hate” to sell the platform to these existing bases. This approach is unconvincing however, both due to the platform’s internal contradictions and the fact that those of its framers who are public figures have publicly expressed elsewhere contempt for all forms of liberalism. While such contempt may be deserved, the conflict between their personal views and their party’s public platform undermines the credibility of both, casting over them a Machiavellian pall. The left will forever revile any platform that explicitly rejects altruism for white people no matter how socialist its other points and the right will revile not only the platform’s socialism but also the crudity which which it presents racial issues. There is little in it to indicate that the NJP is anything other than a bunch of anti-jewish SJWs.
On the subject of viability, the NJP’s ambitions as a political party must also be called into question. In choosing to provisionally designate itself as an LLC rather than a non-profit or registered political party it has acknowledged certain significant institutional hurdles it faces in the hostility of sanctioning institutions such as the IRS and FEC to a nationalist agenda. There is however a more fundamental problem whose manifestation the NJP touched on in point 10 regarding the two party system. In the first-past-the-post voting system that we have there ultimately can be no more than two parties who win with any kind of regularity. The game theoretics concerning the avoidance of vote-splitting will result in two major parties at the inception of such a system, and after this occurs it is impossible to perfectly triangulate a platform between those of the two existing parties. The NJP is clearly straining to do this, but in actuality their only viable target base is the Republican one by demographic default. Their fate under this system will be no different from that of the Libertarian Party, whose platform and results over the past few decades both the NJP and liberty+ recognize as a joke. The reason why third parties are permanently relegated to single digit support has, as explained above, nothing to with the platform however. Third parties can serve functions other than winning elections, of course, and these functions are something that the NJP as a going concern must seriously consider.
Third parties can always serve as a protest vote option, however, because a number of third parties already exist there is little value the NJP can add in this capacity. A better option is as an educational device, which to some degree the NJP already is. Maximum impact in this mode would be achieved, however, if they discarded the conventionally partisan issues and built a platform of iconoclasm toward globalist shibboleths that start conversations leading toward the truth about such things. An example would be:
- Abolish Martin Luther King Day, the Civil Rights Acts, and all amendments to the US Consitution since the 12th.
- Restore Confederate names and iconography everywhere they have been removed.
- Teach in schools the full context of significant historical events such as the War of Southern Separation, both World Wars, and the Kennedy assassinations.
- Ban refugees, end foreign aid and foreign wars.
- Abolish the alphabet agencies and replace them with a task force to crack down on sex trafficking and pedophilia, starting with arrests of prominent ruling class members in DC and Hollywood.
- Declare Antifa and Black Lives Matter terrorist organizations.
- Abolish the Federal Reserve and accept tax payments in cryptocurrency and commodities.
Although certain edits to the NJP’s existing platform would eliminate at least some of its apparent internal contradictions, these contradictions appear because the core philosophy underlying it is one that contradicts reality itself. Reality is the fact that good cannot be promoted with evil means; such means only corrupt that which is good. The social engineering its progressivism entails is that: Controlling the lives of peaceful and productive people with the threat of violence. It is premised on the notion that a man’s life is subordinated to the needs of others, the very premise that has destroyed this country. The NJP believes that when these others are those of one’s own nation this premise is a positive good, when in fact a government enforcing this premise on a nation only weakens it as a whole, leaving it vulnerable to hostile foreigners. The NJP’s degrading designs on America are hinted at in its platforms’ very first point where it classifies America as an “outpost” of Western civilization and confirmed in subsequent points where it lays out an agenda to push America further in the direction of European-style socialism. The historic American nation is not an outpost but a great power unto itself borne of a frontier culture, a culture that in many ways embodies the greatest qualities of the white race. Our greatest quality of all is our individualism, our recognition that the only life a man can live is his own. It is only a free society, one where its greater individuals suffer no constraint from its lesser, that is suitable for a nation of this character. That the NJP’s platform is so obviously anathema to this character, too nakedly confused and contradictory to even stand a chance of gaining traction is for this reason a blessing.
